The Rules for Rules

The rules for the people writing the rules can seem like a black box, and that’s because to an extent they are. Demand Progress has voiced concerns for years that House Republicans are the only conference publishing their rules online (they also post their proposed changes to rules so extra credit for them).

Historically Senate Republicans and Democrats in both chambers haven’t published their conference rules, leaving the public in the dark, until now. House Democratic Caucus rules were recently published, along with the House Republican Conference rules. Now the Senate needs to step their game up and put their rules online as well.

Staff Designees on the House Appropriations Committee

Earlier today I tweeted a request for evidence that members of the House Appropriations Committee used to be granted staff designees — staffers paid by the committee that are chosen by and serve the individual members of the committee — but that the designees are being phased out. The following is evidence of that practice. Continue reading “Staff Designees on the House Appropriations Committee”

Is The House Intelligence Committee Out of Balance?

Yesterday’s appointment of representative Joaquin Castro (D-TX) to the House Intelligence Committee may push the Committee’s membership out of balance — it no longer has a member who also serves on the Judiciary Committee, as required by the Rules of the House of Representatives.

Because of its coordinating role, House Rules require the Committee to include at least one member who also serves on the following committees: Appropriations, Armed Services, Foreign Affairs, and Judiciary. Rep. Castro replaces Illinois representative Luis Gutierrez, who resigned on May 26th and was the only member of the Committee cross-seated on Judiciary. The House of Representatives apparently waived the rules’ requirement when it agreed to his appointment. Continue reading “Is The House Intelligence Committee Out of Balance?”

House Beats Back Effort to Weaken Office of Congressional Ethics, But It Was Ugly

On Friday rank-and-file members of the House of Representatives beat back a last-minute amendment by Rep. Steve Pearce (R-NM) to reduce proposed funding for the Office of Congressional Ethics by nearly 9 percent. In the end 137 representatives voted in favor of the cut and 270 opposed, with Republicans more-or-less evenly split and nearly all Democrats opposed. This came only after a voice vote where the chair declared the measure to cut funds had passed [see transcript]; only a roll call vote, which forces members to individually declare where they stand, resulted in most members voting no.

The Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE) is an independent watchdog established by the House of Representatives in the wake of several scandals, including the Jack Abramoff lobbying corruption scandal and the Rep. Foley House page sexual misconduct scandal, that helped bring Democrats to power in 2007. Its purpose is to investigate allegations of wrongdoing by members of the House of Representatives and it is empowered to start investigations on its own initiative or on a tip from anyone. When OCE determines that wrongdoing may have occurred, it refers the matter to the House Ethics Committee, which is supposed to investigate. Continue reading “House Beats Back Effort to Weaken Office of Congressional Ethics, But It Was Ugly”

The Rules That Rule the Rules

Politico’s Burgess Everett reports today on Sen. Mike Lee, who intends to run for the number 4 spot in the Republican Party Senate leadership but has become ensnared in a fight over party rules. Sen. Lee says he is running for an open seat because the current holder of that spot, Sen. Barrasso, is term limited under party rules, but Sen. McConnell doesn’t see it the same way, arguing Sen. Barrasso still can run for another term. Politically, running for an open seat is different from challenging an incumbent.

Personnel and process determine policy. How parties choose who serves in leadership roles, as committee chairs, and as members of particular committees matters a lot. To a large extent, the rules of the party conference or caucus control who can serve in leadership, as a committee chair, or on a committee — and lots of other things, too. Continue reading “The Rules That Rule the Rules”

How the Senate Should Update Its Rules

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Photo source : CitronSmurf

The United States Senate is a creature of its rules. Through its standing ruleslaws and resolutionsprecedents, and the consent of its members, the upper chamber carefully controls how legislation can be promulgated and debate can take place.

Unlike the House of Representatives, which must vote on its rules every Congress, the Senate rarely reconsiders its standing rules in their entirety. An opportunity has arisen, however, with the current debate over changing how the filibuster works. Here are our major recommendations for updating the Senate’s rules.

In summary, they are:

  • Improve Public Access to Information about Legislative Proceedings
  • Improve Disclosure Around Committee Activities
  • Improve Transparency Concerning Senate Operations
  • Improve Public Understanding of Policy Matters
  • Adopt a “Public Access” Presumption
  • Catalog Information Held by the Senate
  • Improve Chamber-Wide Coordination on Open Government
    → Transparency Ombudsman
    → Advisory Committee on Public Access to Information
    → Strengthen Oversight of Legislative Support Agencies

{ These recommendations are now available as a PDF }

Improve Public Access to Information about Legislative Proceedings

Information regarding legislation pending in the Senate is made available on THOMAS and Congress.gov, but it is not made available in the way that computers can most easily process it — in bulk. In addition to joining with the House to require that legislative data be made available in bulk, the Senate should require that all amendments are online in real-time.

All proposed amendments in the Senate should be available online in a useful format. Unfortunately, while the House releases this information to the public via the THOMAS/ Congress.gov website, the Senate only makes amendments available through the Congressional Record, which is more difficult to access and parse. This information shouldn’t be buried.

All information on presidential nominations filed with the Senate should be available online, except for personally identifiable information (such as home addresses, phone numbers, and social security numbers.)

The US House has incrementally moved toward having all legislation available online before floor consideration (even if the House sometimes waives these rules). The Senate, however, has made little to no progress. Legislation, including final committee reports, should be available online for 72 hour prior to a final Senate vote. While forcing the Senate to consider legislation in a particular way will necessarily be tricky (especially in a chamber that functions through unanimous consent), far more should be done to improve public access to legislation prior to votes.

Improve Disclosure Around Committee Activities

All committee and subcommittee hearings and meetings should be webcast except when logistically impossible. The House has a rule to this effect.

All markups should be available to the public at least 24 hours prior to consideration by the committee or subcommittee. To be considered as “publicly available,” they should be online.

Senate committees should write and publish oversight plans, with annually update reports. The House already has this requirement and it works well. See House Rule XI(d).

Improve Transparency Concerning Senate Operations

All public documents held by the Secretary of the Senate for public review should be published online. A list of those documents is available here. Currently, the documents can only be obtained by printing them during a visit to the Senate Office of Public Records on Capitol Hill.

The Senate should publish its semi-annual reports on its internal expenditures online as a downloadable database, and not just as a PDF. The House has just committed to doing this. Doing so would make the information more accessible to the public and facilitate reuse of the data.

“Dear Colleague” letters are one way that a Senator communicates with the rest of the Senate. They’re usually used to indicate support for legislation or other policy initiatives, and are often shared with the public or the press. All of these letters should be made available online on a central website by default unless an originating office decides to specifically exclude one of the letters.

The Senate should create an independent ethics watchdog along the lines of the Office of Congressional Ethics. The OCE has been an invaluable addition to the ethics process in the House, and will bring additional transparency and accountability to the Senate.

Annual, semi-annual and other regularly recurring reports from the legislative support offices (e.g. the Secretary of the Senate, Sergeant at Arms, Parliamentarian) all should be made available online as they are issued. While some legislative support offices do an excellent job of publishing their reports online, other offices have further to go. Access to this information makes it possible for the public to have confidence that the Senate is being operated effectively and efficiently, and also for academics, journalists, and others to make recommendations for improvement.

The Senate should publish a staff directory that includes each staffer’s name, job title, areas of responsibility, and the main phone number and address for the office — not the staffer’s email or direct phone number. This information is already available through pay services run by third-party vendors. It should be available to the public as well.

Improve Public Understanding of Policy Matters

Widely-distributed Congressional Research Service reports should be made available to the public by the Secretary of the Senate’s office. Thousands of CRS Reports are available online, and many more can be purchased through third party-vendors. These frequently-cited documents can help explain important policy issues to the public, and occasionally could benefit from public review for completeness and accuracy. However, they are not available to the public in a timely way, and public access is spotty. Legislation to this effect has frequently been introduced in the Senate (such as S Res 118) that addresses all the important aspects of making these reports freely available to the public. Former CRS employees, public interest groups, and Members of Congress are increasingly calling for public access. It is time to level the playing field.

All reports submitted to the Senate should be made available online, except in limited circumstances. The Senate should look to the draft Access to Congressionally Mandated Reports Act for guidance on implementation.

The Senate publication “The Constitution of the United States: Analysis and Interpretation,” available on the Senate’s intranet but not available to the public except in a printed format, should be made available online as it is updated. This legal treatise that explains the US Constitution as it has been interpreted by the US Supreme Court is an invaluable resource and should be more widely available to the public.

Adopt a “Public Access” Presumption

The Senate should adopt a rule creating a rebuttable presumption in favor of public access to all congressionally-held information. Members, committee and leadership offices, legislative support offices, and (when working on Senate issues) legislative support agencies should be encouraged to make information available to a requester unless there is a strong, clearly articulable reason that outweighs the public’s interest in access. In addition, a response to a requester should be timely, and information should be made available to a requester in the format that is requested unless doing so is not practical.

The Senate should also require the proactive online publication of information that is already available to the public, including historical information that’s stored in electronic form. The Senate should make a particular effort to make legislation, including amendments, available online in a timely fashion, perhaps adopting the successful model used by the House, docs.house.gov. The Senate should also work with the House to create open data standards for the publication of machine-readable information (including bulk access to that data).

Catalog Information Held by the Senate

The Senate creates and holds many documents and data sets. But with so many entities responsible for receiving and generating information, it is not clear to Members, staff, or the public what information is held by the Senate, who is responsible for it, and whether it can be made available to the public. Some thoughtful efforts have been undertaken to consider these issues. For example, legislation has been introduced to require GPO to create a central repository of all reports any office or Department is required to make to Congress. The Senate already compiles a list of ethics reports required to be filed in the Senate. And GPO has made efforts to compile a repository of official Senate documents, although its efforts are hindered by lack of access to the information.

The Senate should undertake an audit of the documents or other information that it holds, who is responsible for the information, the format in which it is stored, and where and how it can be obtained by the public. The House and Senate jointly undertook a related effort in 1992 as memorialized in S. Pub. 102–20. The audit should occur each congress, and be published online as an Index to Senate Information.

Improve Chamber-Wide Coordination on Open Government

Like many large institutions, responsibility for work on a particular issue is often spread out over many offices on the hill. This is particularly true for transparency issues, where leadership, committees, personal offices, and legislative support offices and agencies each have a small part. Unsurprisingly, efforts to coordinate among these offices are difficult, and institution-wide awareness of what’s going on is hard to come by. To improve coordination and awareness, we suggest the Senate consider the following steps.

Transparency Ombudsman

The Senate has key staff responsible for the needs of the chamber. Helping to make the Senate more transparent is a task that spans several of these offices, and is also the responsibility of leadership and several committees. But like most institutions, this diffusion of responsibility means that there is no central point of contact for congressional offices trying to be more transparent, or for those outside the institution to figure out who to contact.

We suggest that the Senate consider creating a transparency ombudsman. The Ombudsman’s responsibilities would include encouraging collaboration and information sharing among those responsible for different transparency efforts inside the Senate, to serve as a resource for those inside the Senate who wish to adopt best practices, to be a primary point of contact for those seeking information from the Senate, and generally to facilitate a more open and transparent Congress.

Advisory Committee on Public Access to Information

The Senate’s efforts to improve transparency are intended to be of benefit to other offices within Congress, co-equal branches of government, the public at large, journalists, academics, and others. There is no regular forum, however, where interested parties can get together and talk with representatives of congress about how to best meet everyone’s needs in the most efficient and effective manner.

We suggest that the Senate create an advisory committee (along the lines of the Advisory Committee on the Records of Congress) that provides advice and recommendations to the Senate regarding public access to information.

Strengthen Oversight of Legislative Support Agencies

The Joint Committee on the Library and the Joint Committee on Printing are responsible for coordinating oversight with the House over the Library of Congress and the Government Printing Office. Unfortunately, JCP and JCL no longer hold public meetings or hearings and have been hamstrung by the Chadha court decision.

In the past, these committees provided effective guidance and oversight for legislative support agencies, which are responsible for making much of the work of Congress (and the government as a whole) available to the American people. Now, much of the public-facing oversight work is performed by the Legislative Branch Appropriations Subcommittee or is subsumed into the responsibilities of the Senate Rules Committees, both of which have other responsibilities. In addition, we have found that different messages are sometimes communicated by the legislative support agencies to their respective House and Senate oversight committees, which may impede the ability to effectively oversee and direct their functions.

We recommend that the Senate explore ways to strengthen public oversight of the Library of Congress and the Government Printing Office. It should particularly focus on making sure that Congress has sufficient capacity to effectively ensure that these agencies are properly performing their roles of making information available to the public, and that the oversight process in performed in a way that the public can be properly engaged.

It also may be wise to look more broadly about creating a Chief Technology Officer for the United States Senate, whose office would look at campus-wide issues, including technology needs within the Senate as well as the legislative support agencies.

Appendix

We have more recommendations for improving Senate activities, but they are best accomplished through means other than Senate rules changes. Also, I wrote about this topic previously when I was at the Sunlight Foundation.

— Written by Daniel Schuman

Intelligence Oversight and the Fight Over the Speaker

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Credit: Clerk of the House of Representatives

It isn’t sexy, but you have to commend House Republicans for their focus on congressional process, particularly in the negotiations surrounding the selection of a new Speaker of the House of Representatives. Unlike House Democrats and both parties in the Senate, House Republicans publish their internal rules. And, unlike House Democrats, whose leadership, unfortunately, appears unlikely to consider changes to their rules — there is a serious conversation about “regular order” taking place on the majority side of the aisle.

Rules matter. A lot. As Rep. John Dingell famously said,

I’ll let you write the substance. You let me write the procedure, and I‘ll screw you every time.

He’s great on Twitter, too.

I’m a rules nerd. For the last six years, I have published suggestions on how the House and Senate should change their rules. Today I’m going to focus on how a small change to the Republican Conference Rules would effect congressional oversight, national security, and civil liberties. (The “Republican Conference” is the official grouping of congressional Republicans.)

Republican Conference rules govern which Republicans may serve on a particular committee. Personnel choices are policy choices, as who you put on a committee determines what it does. The process for choosing members and leadership is different for standing committees and select committees.

Standing committee members are nominated by a special committee, known as the Steering Committee; select committee members are nominated by the Speaker alone. In both instances, the members of the Republican Conference could decline to approve the nominations, but that is unlikely. Almost every committee is a standing committee, except for the Intelligence Committee and the Benghazi Committee, which are select committees.

In practice, what this means is the Speaker picks who serves on — and leads — the Intelligence Committee. By comparison, members of the Republican Conference have some influence over the composition of other committees, through the Steering Committee, although even in those circumstances the Speaker has outsized influence.

Consequently, the Intelligence Committee most closely reflects the views of the Speaker when compared to other committees. There is no compelling reason for the Speaker to play this role and many reasons why the Speaker should not. Many committees deal with secrets, including the Armed Services and Appropriations Committees. Select committees usually are temporary, but the House Intelligence Committee has existed since the 1970s. And the House Intelligence Committee is not functioning as it should.

While it would not solve all the problems with intelligence oversight, nomination of members of the House Intelligence Committee should be handled in the same way as members of other committees, to better reflect the diverse perspectives and competencies of the whole House. To do this, House Republican Conference rule 12(a) could be amended to read as follows:

The Republican Steering Committee shall recommend to the Republican Conference the Republican Members of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and the standing committees of the House of Representatives, except as otherwise provided in this rule.

The Rules of the House of Representatives place a few limitations on the pool of candidates. (See page 14, subsection x.) But there’s no reason why this cannot be handled by the Steering Committee or through some other process.

The House of Representatives cannot afford to fail in its responsibilities to oversee the intelligence community. Members of the House of Representatives should take responsibility for oversight into their own hands by making sure the House Intelligence Committee reflects their priorities and the will of the House.

— Written by Daniel Schuman

Did the House Intelligence Committee Break Congressional Transparency Rules?

HPSCI Official Seal

A meeting of the House Intelligence Committee (also known as HPSCI, pronounced Hip-see) may have broken congressional rules when it neither webcast its proceedings nor provided appropriate notice. At its January 28th meeting, HPSCI should have debated and adopted rules for its operation, its oversight plans for the next two years, and more. The Intelligence Committee often keeps the the public in the dark, but still has an obligation to inform the public.

VIDEO

House of Representatives Rule 11(e)(5)(a) requires:

“to the maximum extent practicable, each committee shall…
(A) 
provide audio of video coverage of each hearing or meeting for the transaction of business in a manner that allows the public to easily listen to and view the proceedings; and
(B) maintain the recordings of such coverage in a manner that is 
easily accessible to the public.”

And yet:

  • The committee’s webpage for the January 28th meeting does not contain a link to video of the proceedings. I could not find one on the committee’s webpage.
  • The congressional video repository maintained by the Library of Congress does not contain a video of the January 28th proceedings. The most recent video for HPSCI is from September of 2014.

There is reason to believe business was transacted, as new rules for the committee were posted on the committee’s webpage. However, there still is not a record of any business being conducted on the committee’s “business meetings” webpage.

The Committee could argue that it’s not “practical” to webcast its hearing, but considering everyone else does it and the House provides free cameras when requested, it’s a very weak argument.

MEETING NOTICE

Nowadays, committees provide notice of upcoming meetings at the congressional website docs.house.gov. A review of meeting notices for the week of January 28th, however, indicates there was no posting for HPSCI.

The Committee likely did provide notice of the hearing on its webpage, although there is no way to know when it was posted. However, that likely is insufficient. House Rules 11(g)(3)(C) require “an announcement made under this subparagraph [by the committee chair concerning meetings and hearings] shall be published promptly in the Daily Digest and made publicly available in electronic form.”

Under the Electronic Posting standards, promulgated by the Committee on House Administration, all committees must post documents, including public notices, on a central website… which is docs.house.gov.

WHY THIS MATTERS

Of all the congressional committees, the House Intelligence Committee is the most secretive — even more so than the Rules Committee, which governs how the House itself works. And yet because of the nature of HPSCI’s work, it’s important that it be as open as possible so the public can have confidence in the work it does. That confidence must be earned starting on day one when the committee establishes the rules under which it operates.

A coalition of organizations from across the political spectrum released recommendations on how HPSCI could be more open while still meeting its mandate. Those recommendation (letterwhite paper), were they to be put into effect, would have been voted on that first day. The Committee needs a do-over.

NB: I have not asked the committee for comment, but I’m sure they’d be happy to hear from you.

— Written by Daniel Schuman