How Agencies Can Improve Proactive Disclosure

Agencies should set up a process to proactively disclose information that is of interest to the public on an ongoing basis. To help prioritize, agencies should look at requests made through the Freedom of Information Act, via other request-based systems (i.e., specialized forms for a particular dataset or document), and information regularly disclosed by public affairs and congressional relations offices.

Categories of information to consider for proactive release include: commercial (business-related), current events (relevant to journalists), ethics (relevant to government watchdogs, such as lobbying, ethics waivers, etc.), agency operations, and datasets (paper versions are disclosed to the public but the underlying dataset must be FOIA’d).

On a regular basis, each agency should review its efforts to evaluate the effect of proactive disclosure and whether additional documents/datasets should be proactively disclosed.

A Few Ideas on Getting Started

1. — Review how the agency already discloses information to the public.

Agency information is made available to the public in many ways. Some examples include:

  • As responses to FOIA requests
  • As responses to specialized request forms
  • Responses to media inquiries (by email, telephonically, and press advisories and releases)
  • As letters or reports to Congress or OMB
  • Information the agency is trying to place with media
  • Information disclosed in reports (already online) that are not in machine-readable formats

There may be others ways as well. Get a sense of how the public is accessing information.

2. — Get an understanding of how each of these information request processes work and obtain a representative sample of the kinds of requests being answered.

FOIA. Obtain the FOIA logs and randomly choose a significant number of requests (say 500 or 1000). Categorize each request based on the likely purpose for which it will be used: commercial, current events, ethics, agency operations, and datasets. Within each category, figure out whether the requests overlap a common dataset or series of documents.

Responses to specialized request forms. Create a list of the specialized information request forms that an agency uses to receive requests from the public. Determine the volume of requests received, on average, each year. For each form, figure out whether the information is pulled from a particular dataset or set of documents.

Responses to media inquiries. Reach out to press office staff to see whether they keep a media log, which tracks who has called and what they’ve called about. If it is exists, review a representative sample (pick a few random days) to see whether there is any commonality to the requests. Identify and list the most frequent requests. If not, look at releases and advisories pushed out by fax or email.

Reports to Congress or OMB. Make a list of all reports to Congress or OMB. Are they already available online, but not in one central place? Are multiple years grouped together? Are they available through FOIA or published through some other means?

Information to be placed with the media. Speak with press offices to get a sense of the kind of information commonly pushed to the public. Is it available online in one central place? How is the information presented?

Information disclosed but not in machine-friendly formats. Create a list of reports available on the website. Identify whether they are only available as PDF, or are they available in other formats as well, such as csv or doc?

3. — Prioritize

Looking at the information identified above, are there kinds of information that is requested again and again? If so, is it possible to disclose the underlying dataset or series of documents that underpin these common requests? Decide based upon the number of requests and the likelihood of use by the public.

Some clues to look for:

FOIA. Is information drawn from a certain source requested again and again? If so, is it possible to make the source information available to the public? If not, is it possible to create an expedited way of requesting that information? Or to pre-process that information as if it were already the subject of a FOIA request?

Responses to specialized forms. While being sure to include items from each category of information to consider for proactive disclosure, look at the most utilized special forms and determine whether it is possible to release the underlying information all at once.

Responses to media inquiries. Are there kinds of information requested again and again from press staff? Or types of requests that can be anticipated in the news cycle? If so, work with press staff to get ahead of the curve and disclose the information that is frequently requested.

Reports to Congress or OMB. If these reports routinely become available, publish them all online in a central place on the agency website as soon as they are issued. If there are concerns about redactions under FOIA, process through FOIA immediately prior to receiving a request, so they can be released at the same time or as close as possible to when the report is issued.

Information trying to be placed with the media. Publish the information as soon as possible.

Information disclosed but not in machine-readable formats. Work with offices and technology staff to make sure information published as a PDF is also published in other (open) formats as well, such as csv and doc.

4. — Two more things

(i) Talk to external and internal stakeholders. They know where the pain points are and can advise as to what would be most useful.

(ii) Look to see if an entity is broadly republishing the information the agency has provided. For example, some non-profit organizations will request an entire dataset and make it available all at once. In turn, many thousands of people will use that information. Instead of making the organization request that data, publish it online so it is available at once to everyone.

Examples of categories of information:

{ Liked this? You may also like A FOIA No-Brainer and A Checklist for Drafters of Transparency Legislation }

— Written by Daniel Schuman

Did the House Intelligence Committee Break Congressional Transparency Rules?

HPSCI Official Seal

A meeting of the House Intelligence Committee (also known as HPSCI, pronounced Hip-see) may have broken congressional rules when it neither webcast its proceedings nor provided appropriate notice. At its January 28th meeting, HPSCI should have debated and adopted rules for its operation, its oversight plans for the next two years, and more. The Intelligence Committee often keeps the the public in the dark, but still has an obligation to inform the public.

VIDEO

House of Representatives Rule 11(e)(5)(a) requires:

“to the maximum extent practicable, each committee shall…
(A) 
provide audio of video coverage of each hearing or meeting for the transaction of business in a manner that allows the public to easily listen to and view the proceedings; and
(B) maintain the recordings of such coverage in a manner that is 
easily accessible to the public.”

And yet:

  • The committee’s webpage for the January 28th meeting does not contain a link to video of the proceedings. I could not find one on the committee’s webpage.
  • The congressional video repository maintained by the Library of Congress does not contain a video of the January 28th proceedings. The most recent video for HPSCI is from September of 2014.

There is reason to believe business was transacted, as new rules for the committee were posted on the committee’s webpage. However, there still is not a record of any business being conducted on the committee’s “business meetings” webpage.

The Committee could argue that it’s not “practical” to webcast its hearing, but considering everyone else does it and the House provides free cameras when requested, it’s a very weak argument.

MEETING NOTICE

Nowadays, committees provide notice of upcoming meetings at the congressional website docs.house.gov. A review of meeting notices for the week of January 28th, however, indicates there was no posting for HPSCI.

The Committee likely did provide notice of the hearing on its webpage, although there is no way to know when it was posted. However, that likely is insufficient. House Rules 11(g)(3)(C) require “an announcement made under this subparagraph [by the committee chair concerning meetings and hearings] shall be published promptly in the Daily Digest and made publicly available in electronic form.”

Under the Electronic Posting standards, promulgated by the Committee on House Administration, all committees must post documents, including public notices, on a central website… which is docs.house.gov.

WHY THIS MATTERS

Of all the congressional committees, the House Intelligence Committee is the most secretive — even more so than the Rules Committee, which governs how the House itself works. And yet because of the nature of HPSCI’s work, it’s important that it be as open as possible so the public can have confidence in the work it does. That confidence must be earned starting on day one when the committee establishes the rules under which it operates.

A coalition of organizations from across the political spectrum released recommendations on how HPSCI could be more open while still meeting its mandate. Those recommendation (letterwhite paper), were they to be put into effect, would have been voted on that first day. The Committee needs a do-over.

NB: I have not asked the committee for comment, but I’m sure they’d be happy to hear from you.

— Written by Daniel Schuman

Senate Torture Report: The Senate Speaks

On December 9, 2014, the Senate Intelligence Committee published a report severely criticizing CIA interrogation practices as brutal and ineffective. The committee released to the public a redacted version of the report’s executive summary — nearly 500 pages long — the culmination of seven years’ work. It includes the views of the majority of committee members, an additional statement by Senator Jay Rockefeller, and the views of dissenting committee members.

The full report is classified and runs nearly 6,700 pages. In announcing the release of the report, several senators, including the Intelligence Committee Chair, gave speeches on the Senate floor explaining their views and findings.

These speeches are a helpful, succinct introduction to what is now being called the Torture Report. Their remarks, with only minor edits and captions, are included in my new ebook, “Senate Torture Report: the Senate Speaks.”

In addition, I also include remarks made on December 10th by departing Senator Mark Udall, in which he calls for the resignation of the CIA Director and discusses flaws in congressional oversight.

(Update: the ebook is available through archive.org as ePub, PDF, full text, etc. Thanks Creeping Nounism.)

{ Liked this? You may also like The Grassroots and the Battle Over EncryptionSunsetting the Politics of Torture, and What Our Mass Surveillance Debate Gets Wrong }

— Written by Daniel Schuman

A Checklist for Drafters of Transparency Legislation

Drafting legislation may be more art than science, but even the most avan garde artist considers the size of the canvas and the artwork’s composition just as drafters must think through the purposes of the legislation and how circumstances may change over time. What does it take to create robust, effective transparency legislation? Here are some guidelines. At the highest level of abstraction, I suggest drafters:

  1. Understand the context
  2. Use flexible implementation authority
  3. Create external checks on implementation
  4. Make information public by default
  5. Build in feedback loops
  6. Keep close watch on cost
  7. Watch out for tricky legislative language
  8. Figure out where to embed a program

1. Understand the context

0_Ne-ogL9tk5J4OIonWhen inspiration hits, it is useful to explore whether others have tried to solve a similar problem. Looking at other legislation that has been introduced (whether in the current legislative session or earlier ones), searching for testimony before committee and reports that discuss the problem being solved, and identifying reports by outside experts will highlight pitfalls and potential approaches to address an issue.

With transparency legislation in particular, having a sense of what has worked, whether it is considered a success, and how much it costs is an indispensable first step. As you do this, make sure you have a clear sense of what you are trying to accomplish. These goals should be reduced to writing and either be included in the legislation or an accompanying report. This will guide implementation and help ensure that you have created what you intended. As an additional benefit, it also may help with court interpretation should aspects of the program be challenged.

2. Use flexible implementation authority

0_u3_ozvrtnkqRvsHCWithin broad constraints, agencies should be given the authority to adapt to the times. For example, a requirement to post a job notice in the classified section of a newspaper makes little sense nowadays as most job seekers look on the Internet. Consequently, requirements regarding how an agency must notify potential job-seekers of an opportunity could be couched in language that requires an ad be placed where it is seen by thousands of people, without indicating the nature of the publication in which it must be published.

Legislation could include examples of the kinds of places that would satisfy publication requirement, but some discretion should be left up to the administrator. Similarly, the requirement to publish data online should not necessarily specify a particular format in which it must be published. Instead, the legislation should specify characteristics necessary to satisfy a publication requirement.

For example, it could say that data must be published in a structured format that is open, license-free, and capable of being reused. I will talk about data formats more in another blog post, although these principles are a good place to start.

3. Create external checks on implementation

While many agencies operate with the best of intentions, some will fall short by accident or otherwise. It is important to have in place a mechanism for the public (and professional watchdogs) to vindicate the right to full implementation. For example, the only reason the federal FOIA is successful is because it includes a private right of action.

The ability of a requester to go to court is the mechanism that helps encourage/force agencies to adhere to the law, even though this right is exercised only in a small minority of instances. Similar mechanisms exist in other contexts. On the federal level, the IRS, for example, pays money to people who blow the whistle on tax cheats, as does the Department of State for those who help with the apprehension of terrorists. A lawsuit brought under the False Claims Act, often referred to as a qui tam prosecution, allows people who are not affiliated with the federal government to bring a lawsuit against contractors who have defrauded the government.

All these tools empower a neutral third-party outside the agency (and the executive branch) to decide the merits of a claim. Overseas, ombudsmen have become commonplace as an inexpensive way to have a public advocate, paid by the government, address questions of oversight or maladministration.

On a related note, particularly in circumstances where other oversight mechanisms are not robust, we see the crucial role of whistleblowers. Federal whistleblowing law is a hodgepodge of law that often inadequately addressesgovernment misfeasance, malfeasance, and bad practices. Even whistleblowers whose activities are protected by law often suffer significant un-remediated retaliation.

When creating any new program or service, especially those related to reporting on the activities of government, it is essential to think through external mechanisms by which the public may vindicate its rights and the internal mechanisms by which whistleblowers are rewarded and protected when they identify significant problems.

4. Make information public by default

Through the normal course of business agencies create tremendous amounts of information. As a matter of practice, unless there is a very good reason not to that outweighs the public’s interest in disclosure, agencies should publish information on their activities. This can serve good government interests, but also may empower economic development, trust in government, the development of private-public partnerships or private innovation, and other advantages.

Elsewhere I have identified a way for agencies to identify and proactively meet requests for information dissemination. It can be summarized as requiring an agency to survey the different means by which information requests come into an agency, consider whether there are commonalities to those requests that can be addressed by discrete sets of information, and then publishing those documents or datasets.

Technology is making proactive disclosure much easier and governments should take full advantage of it. Where should agencies publish this information? On their websites and any places where information is aggregated. On the federal level, reports should be given to the Government Printing Office and raw data should be published on data.gov.

5. Build in feedback loops

Just as it is important to understand how other legislation has fared, equally important is understanding how effective legislation is once enacted. The most successful legislative measures are self-correcting and capable of adapting with the times. Here are some feedback mechanisms that allow this to happen.

Administrative review. At regular intervals, program administrators should evaluate the effectiveness of the programs they administer in attaining their stated goals. These reviews should be accompanied when appropriate by recommendations to adapt the program to changing times consonant with the goals you’ve spelled out in the initial bill.

Public feedback. The public often is an end-user and a source of expertise on a topic. Mechanisms should be put in place for the public to communicate directly to administrators and to the congressional overseers. Just as important, the public must be able to receive a response to their concerns from the administrators and congressional overseers.

This can be accomplished through a designated “public liaison,” a GitHub account, regularly public meetings, and so on. In addition, reports on the effectiveness of programs and proposals to change implementation should routinely be made available to the public in ways that casual users would expect.

Expert feedback. Groups of experts should be invited to regularly provide input into the effectiveness and implementation of programs. At the federal level, this commonly is accomplished through the use of federal advisory committees — a standing group of citizens who regularly interface with program administrators and make recommendations on how program should evolve.

While there are some problems with current federal law that govern how federal advisory committees operate, there are good models to ensure that they are sufficiently transparent and balanced so as to make in a complement to broader public engagement and not merely an avenue for influence by special interests.

Internal auditors. Government auditors may provide crucial insight into how well the program is being administered and whether it is still serving its intended purpose. On the federal level, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and the agency inspectors general often play this role. Periodic reviews by GAO and agency IGs (and their equivalents on the state and local levels), including regular reports to the agency, the legislature, and the public, are essential as a good housekeeping matter and will help identify problems as they crop up.

Empowering external review.Requiring an agency or internal oversight body to make reports available to the public and to the legislature is not enough. Legislation should address both the format of the reporting and who must sign off on it before it is transmitted.

The report’s format is very important. By way of example, for years federal agencies were required to report on their administration of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), but these reports were provided as PDFs even though they containing tables of numbers. Consequently, anyone wishing to evaluate the data would first have to transform the information into a digital format, an arduous and time-consuming task.

Requiring the reporting of FOIA data as an electronic spreadsheet has empowered much greater oversight of agency effectiveness and made the analysis available in near real-time. The use of dashboards creates a powerful incentive for across-the-board compliance with program goals. Reports — especially those containing policy recommendations — should be allowed (and often times required) to go directly from the entity making the recommendations to the legislature and the public.

We have seen that when agency reports must go up the food chain, especially when they are politically sensitive, the report can be held indefinitely or altered prior to publication. An even more insidious form arises when senior administration officials threaten an agency’s budget if a report is not altered. While it is not inappropriate for senior agency officials or others to be allowed to comment on a report, and in some instances to have a heads-up prior to release, all too often the substance is sacrificed for political reasons. Direct reporting authority on policy recommendations is a must to make sure the feedback loop functions properly.

Generally speaking, reports — whether generated by an agency, an IG, external auditors, or others — should be kept in a central location in addition to publishing on the agency and committee of jurisdiction’s website. At the federal level, the Government Printing Office maintains a website containing thousands of documents. All reports should be submitted to GPO (or a similar entity playing a repository role) for safekeeping and online access in addition to any other means of dissemination. This ensures reports are available to the public even after an agency “refreshes” its website, committee staff turnover, and so on.

6. Keep close watch on cost

Nothing will sink a bill faster than a high price tag. For transparency bills, there are useful ways of addressing a high price tag. To the extent information publication mechanisms exist, such as GPO’s FDSYS and data.gov, they should be used instead of building new websites.

Publication of bulk data by the government will often spur non-profits and others to build more clever websites than the government would have built itself, and at a lower cost. Similarly, if there are commonly-accepted methods of redacting sensitive information, agencies should make use of those systems, and make sure that information once processed is released to the public, and not processed every time a request is received.

In addition, legislation should require agencies to gather and publish the information they use, and to use the information they publish. Requiring agencies to “eat their own dogfood” will help address data quality issues and make sure the public has access to the real deal.

It is important to decide strategically how the public and experts will weigh in programs. While advisory committees, IG reports, and the like are very valuable, an all-of-the-above strategy can be expensive. If pressed for money, figure out where you’re likely to get the most bank for the buck.

Also, consider whether you want your transparency program to be independent or embedded in an existing agency. Creating a new thing can be costly, so determine whether it is necessary to protect implementation from undue interference. There is no magic bullet to identifying hidden implementation issues that can balloon costs once a program is underway. The best advice is to talk to staff who must implement the legislation, keeping in mind they may have an ax to grind or be unwilling to talk.

Former staff can be helpful in circumventing some political problems with obtaining honest advice. Sometimes outside non-profits will have built models that accomplish what the transparency legislation is trying to achieve, and they can be a useful source of expertise identifying pitfalls.

7. Watch out for tricky legislative language

Drafting legislative language, especially when a bill is meant to be generally applicable to the government, can be quite tricky. Here are couple common pitfalls.

Definition of Agency. Although one might think that there would be a single definition for agency there is not. For example, on the federal level, the term “agency” is defined in multiple places in the US code and you should pick the kind of agency that best reflects your goals.

Do you want to cover the entire executive branch? Do you wish only to cover the agencies inside the executive branch that are under the control the president (and thus preserve the independence of the so-called independent executive branch agencies)? Do you want to include legislative and judicial agencies as well?

In all the circumstances, have you thought through the separation of powers issues that arise from the scope of your definition of agency?

Definition of Record. When referring to how the government stories information, the term of art is often a “record,” at least at the federal level. But record is defined in various ways throughout the US Code. It is important to cite to the definition that you want and know what it does and does not cover.

Level of detail. This is a tricky matter. Legislative staff — particularly senior staff — strongly prefer to avoid too much detail in legislation. Agencies in some circumstances really dislike detailed instructions. However, a significant level of detail is necessary to ensure agency staffers comply with congressional intent (and give them protection so they can say they are following the law). While it is helpful to include finding in the legislation or committee report, this is an issue that often must be negotiated.

Budget Score. At the federal level, all legislation must be scored by the Congressional Budget Office. Too high a cost estimate can sink even the most promising bill, even if the bill will save more money than it costs, in part because the Congressional Budget Office engages in static scoring. There are a handful of tricks that often are employed to keep the cost projections down. For example, the date of full implementation of a program often is a decade after the legislation is enacted. Or another program is found to be eliminated as an offset.

Inclusive/ exclusive lists. Often times, legislative language includes a list of what an agency should do. For example, it may say: “For the purposes outlined above, the agency report should include, but not be limited to, X, Y, and Z.” However, this is often read by agencies as saying the must only do X, Y, and Z. A slightly better form is “for the purposes outline above, the agency report should include, X, Y, Z, and all other items that further the purpose….” Be aware that lists can often be interpreted as excluding behavior, not just requiring it. Smart legislation will also require disclosure of interpretations of language by agencies.

FOIA. Legislators often look for a formula to make sure sensitive information is withheld. Often times, at the federal level, the easiest way to do this is to include the FOIA disclosure exemptions (see 5 USC 552(b)) to say what can be withheld.

However, be sure to include a balancing test whenever invoking that section of law. Something like, “Unless required to be withheld under law, records should be made available to the public unless the public’s interest in disclosure is significantly outweighed by the agency’s interest in withholding the records under the exemptions outlined in 5 USC 552(b).” In many instances, you can narrow further beyond the FOIA exemptions, which often are too protective.

Principles of statutory interpretation. Courts use many rules to interpret legislation to determine legislative intent. For all practical purposes, for every rule that says X there’s another rule of interpretation that says the opposite. Even so, this Congressional Research Service report may be helpful in determining how a court would interpret particular language.

Borrow language. Policymakers are most comfortable with language that has been used before. Scour current law or already drafted bills for legislative language. Sometimes members will introduce message legislation that includes a broad range of transparency measures (such as the Transparency in Government Act). While the entire bill will never pass as is, there’s nothing wrong with pulling apart the bill and piggybacking on existing language. That’s why it exists. Similarly, it is best to keep language as simple as possible unless your goal is to confuse review and evade oversight.

Get a lawyer. Spotting potentially ambiguous language is something lawyers do best. Get a good one (or multiple attorneys) to try to identify and address any legislative loopholes.

Committee jurisdiction. Usually, the fewer committees that have jurisdiction over a bill the fewer complications. The right language can keep a bill from being referred to an unfriendly committee or referral to multiple committees. The language you use will determine its path.

Naming the bill. While it’s not strictly legislative language, at least one academic study indicated the name of a bill does affect its likelihood of passage. It’s stupid, but the name is all that many people look at. So pick a snappy name or acronym and has a positive connotation.

8. Figure out where to embed the program

For programs that affect multiple agencies, consider where to house the program. Each of the potential locations has attendant risks and benefits. For example, at the federal level, the Office of Management and Budget has great authority executive branch (non-independent) agencies and expertise with rulemaking. However, it also is close to the White House and has a dual role of protecting the president’s agenda.

Sometimes these wires get crossed. The General Services Administration, as an independent agency, is viewed as more impartial by other agencies. However, it generally does not enjoy the extensive rulemaking authority used by OMB and has a mixed reputation, even though it has been successful in a number of areas.

The Treasury Department, while an executive branch agency, has particular expertise in fiscal matters and in some instances may be a better fit than OMB. Legislative branch agencies are more likely to be independent of the White House than even independent executive branch agencies. The Congressional Budget Office is a more trusted source for independent evaluation of the president’s budget than OMB; Congressional Research Service reports are more dispassionate than opinions from the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel; the Government Accountability Office provides more independent oversight than OMB, etc.

Some programs can be embedded in multiple agencies. This can be problematic when one agency must consult with another. Having a clear decision-making authority, with only the need to consult other agencies, often is preferable to requiring the consent of another agency to proceed.

Concluding Thoughts

A lot goes into drafting successful transparency legislation and this blogpost only scratched the surface. Not discussed are all the political considerations, how to find the right sponsors and identify allies, how to prioritize ideas, whether the bill is intended as model legislation or addressing a particular target, naming and marketing the bill to the legislature and the press, navigating committee jurisdiction, and so forth. You could write a book about those topics.

For my part, future blogposts will identify language from current federal legislation that is worth borrowing and go into detail about language to use when talking about data. I’d love to hear your feedback.

{ Liked this? You may also like A FOIA No-Brainer and How Agencies Can Improve Proactice Disclosure }

— Written by Daniel Schuman

Who Counts as a Whistleblower?

Disclosures about the National Security Administration’s (NSA) surveillance programs have prompted a discussion on whether the person who released that information, Edward Snowden, could properly be deemed a whistleblower. The word whistleblower is important because it frames how we think of him and what should become of him.

By definition, whistleblowers are people who “expose wrongdoing within an organization in the hope of stopping it.” The term may be contrasted with leakers, defined as “surreptitious informants” and carrying the connotation of self-interested or sinister motivations. There can be an overlap between the terms, best exemplified by Watergate’s deep throat, FBI Associate Director Mark Felt, who shed light on massive government wrongdoing but did so in part out of petty motivations. Continue reading “Who Counts as a Whistleblower?”

39% of Office of Legal Counsel Opinions Kept from the Public

The Department of Justice is withholding from online publication 39% (or 201) of its 509 Office of Legal Counsel opinions promulgated between 1998 and 2012, according to a Sunlight Foundation analysis. This apparently conflicts with agency guidance on releasing opinions to the public as well as best practices recommended by former Justice Department officials.

OLC Opinion Graph Continue reading “39% of Office of Legal Counsel Opinions Kept from the Public”

House Passes the Best Leg Branch Approps Bill in 8 Years

On Friday, the House of Representatives passed the best legislative branch appropriations bill since Republicans took power in 2010. Unlike many prior appropriations bills, which often undermined the House’s capacity to govern through deep budget cuts, this legislation contained provisions to strengthen the House and set the stage for further improvements. In addition, it was created in a bipartisan manner, drawing on the hard work of Reps. Kevin Yoder and Tim Ryan and their staff. Continue reading “House Passes the Best Leg Branch Approps Bill in 8 Years”